New British imperialism in the Persian Gulf
The crafty British, who for over two centuries during their empire years had destabilized the Persian Gulf and West Asian regions from their naval military base in India, before their supposed withdrawal in 1971, are again trying to actively indulge in mischief in this strategic waterway, through collaboration with their creations of the imperial days, especially the pseudo country called Saudi Arabia and the illegal entity, Israel.
Following is an article in this regard by Ross Hemingway, Senior Media & Communications Officer, and the author of “War on Want”.
The British government is playing a key role in arming repression throughout the Persian Gulf with devastating consequences for democracy and human rights. Driving government complicity in state violence in the region is a secret “Persian Gulf Strategy Unit” and a murky network of British officials and corporations operating in the region. Prince Charles heads to the Persian Gulf in November on behalf of the British government. His mission is “to strengthen the UK’s warm bilateral relations with its supposed key partners in the region.” Charles is no stranger to the region but on this occasion, before he packs his sun hat, I suggest he reads War on Want’s new report Arming Repression: The new British Imperialism in the Persian Gulf. The report, written by Dr. Sam Raphael, details for the first time the sheer scope of weapons exports and training provided to Arab regimes in the Persian Gulf in order to police their own populations. The report uncovers the extent of British complicity in state violence in the Persian Gulf and reveals a disturbing truth at the heart of Britain’s foreign policy. For “warm bilateral relations,” read opaque and loosely connected network of British state and corporate actors operating in the region and focused on assisting repressive regimes with “stabilisation” and “internal security.” Charles should think again.
British governments have long regarded the Persian Gulf Arab states as “key partners” in securing Britain’s energy security and military interests. Yet today the strategic importance of the Persian Gulf is taking on a new significance. The British government is in the process of building a permanent presence in the region and establishing a dedicated British Defence Staff to oversee it. Co-ordinating this new level of strategic engagement is the mentioned Persian Gulf Strategy Unit which operates in secret. Central to the new strategy is the establishment of a network of facilities and partnerships. New and enlarged bases in countries including Dubai, Oman and Bahrain will enable Britain to present a more assertive position in the region and to safeguard the all-important outward flow of gas and oil. At the same time, British arms companies continue to sell vast amounts of weaponry to support the Persian Gulf Arab states’ own military expansion. Since 2010, the British government has approved over 6,000 individual export licences to arms companies serving the region, with a combined value of £16 billion. More than 120 licences, valued at £45.6 million, included the sale of items specifically designed for aggressive crowd control. From tear gas and ammunition, to CS grenades, water cannon and acoustic devices designed to cause severe discomfort and disperse crowds. These items were destined for Oman, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia.
British strategy has also centred on arming and training police and security forces across the region in order to maintain internal security. Some 300 College of Policing staff and associates have delivered training to Bahrain, the UAE, Qatar and Saudi Arabia since 2012.
Britain’s strategy is not just government-led. There is a growing involvement of private security companies and defence contractors working hand-in-glove with the British foreign policy and defence establishment, as the privatisation of war continues to pick up pace. And surprise, surprise, it’s the usual suspects including BAE Systems, Olive Group and G4S providing training to the police and military in the region. This is the latest chapter in the long and violent history of British imperialism in the Persian Gulf and the government’s renewed military and economic plan is putting Britain’s access to oil front and centre and makes a mockery of any commitment to democracy and human rights. The government has a serious case to answer when clandestine meetings between public intelligence and security agencies are driving Britain’s role in arming repression in the Persian Gulf. It’s time the government came clean on the personnel, objectives and activities of the secretive Persian Gulf Strategy Unit. It’s time too for an immediate ban on exports of arms and repressive technologies where there is a risk of supporting internal repression and human rights abuses.
In related news report from London, the British government is responsible for arming repression in the Persian Gulf. It is a murky network of British officials and corporations operating in the region, under cover of trade, oil and ‘internal security’. London is exporting tens of millions of pounds worth of crowd control technologies exported to repressive regimes. From the training of sniper units to the sale of tear gas, and from the delivery of covert surveillance technologies to the provision of public order training, British officials and corporations, working closely together, are complicit in state violence in the Persian Gulf.
John Hilary, Executive Director at War on Want, said: "This is the latest chapter in the long and violent history of British imperialism in the Persian Gulf. The UK government’s renewed military and economic strategy is putting the UK’s access to oil ahead of any commitment to democracy and human rights. It’s time for an immediate ban on exports of arms and repressive technologies where there is a risk of use for internal repression or human rights violations.
Dr Sam Raphael, the report’s author and Senior Lecturer in International Relations at the University of Westminster, said: "Our investigation has uncovered the extent of British complicity in state violence in the Persian Gulf. In addition to UK support for the illegal Saudi bombing campaign in Yemen – through arms sales, targeting advice and intelligence sharing – our report details for the first time the sheer scope of weapons exports and training provided to regimes in the Persian Gulf in order to police their own populations.
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